QUESTIONS WE NEED ANSWERED

The question about the bottom and the end is a question addressed to all of us who live here, not the outside world. Unfortunately, the answer to this question is twisted around indefinite personal and group, family and clientele interests that prevent definition of the answer to finding freedom.

Vladimir Milcin

Why and how did Macedonia find itself in a dead end from being once at a leadership position in the Western Balkans? Why and how did Macedonia come to be the most closed society in the Balkans? Why and how did it happen that a country so small as Macedonia has amassed all Balkans problems and hardships?

This Monday in London I've heard all these questions on several occasions. I was tormented by the thought that my answers are incomparably longer and more complex than the questions. Not even the answer that it took Serbia 15 years to get rid of Milošević made me feel better. Why? Mainly because I am not sure that Macedonia can survive, or last another 8 years under Gruevski.

The question about the partnership (the partners in crime) in the dissolution of Macedonia was also imminent. About the collaboration too (deliberate or accidental), and collaborators in the killing of freedom, democracy and rule of law.

I am not at all pleased to describe the unfortunate combination of naivety, opportunism, venality, fearfulness, and whatnot; a combination that enabled Gruevski to rule Macedonia, trashing criticism and rebellion on the way. It is horrifying that our fatherland is being ravaged by self-proclaimed patriots who received the support of the mass on the pretense of patriotism.

The question that keeps hanging around our necks is: Where is the bottom, is there an end...

The fact that the same VMRO-ist "youngsters" who shouted and attacked me, calling me "Shiptar" because I supported the law to introduce Albanian as mother tongue at the Faculty of Education 15 years ago, silently voted yesterday for the appointment of National Liberation Army (NLA) commander and former officer as a Defense Minister, does not make me feel better.  It does not make me feel any better that all my warnings voiced in 2009 at GEM (Citizens for European Macedonia) debates about the greed of this unscrupulous government proved to be right.

And what do I think about Gruevski hiding and avoiding the meeting with the German Minister of Foreign Affairs? Nothing; except that Gruevski himself has not got answers to some of the questions that are not much easier to the ones I've heard in London.

I am concerned with the question about the bottom and the end, a question addressed to us who live here, not to the outside world. Unfortunately, the answer to this question is twisted around indefinite personal and group, family and clientele interests that prevent definition of the answer to finding freedom.

The critical question GRUEVSKI, HOW MUCH LONGER? becomes less important because of the numerous lucrative and careerist ambitions that result in political games, intrigues, buying and selling. It blunts the rebellion and continues the existence of  the gruevism.

Sad and painful. But that is not an answer, nor a plan, not even a strategy. That is only an emotion that does not necessarily trigger action, but rather the opposite, often chokes and deadens action.